General Aung San: Life & Legacy of Burma's Hero

Explore General Aung San’s life and the enduring legacy of Burma’s hero, whose indelible image eventually graced the nation's currency. While our previous articles have delved into various Burma banknote issues, including the unique unissued 100 Kyat banknote featuring Ba Maw from 1945, General Aung San was the first Burmese prominently featured on an official banknote issued to the public. This article will trace his pivotal role in Burma’s independence and honor his contributions, setting the stage for examining how his image appears on various Burmese banknote issues that commemorate his immeasurable impact on national identity

Aung San's Early Life

Aung San, birth name Htein Lin, was born on February 13, 1915, in Natmauk, Magway District, a small town in Burma during the British colonial rule in Burma. He grew up in a middle-class household, the youngest of nine siblings, with three sisters and five brothers. His brother Aung Than christened him Aung San. Initially educated at a Buddhist monastic school in Natmauk, he relocated to Yenangyaung for fourth grade when his elder brother Ba Win assumed the school's principalship.

In his formative years, Aung San was reticent, scarcely speaking before eight. As a teenager, he frequently withdrew into solitary contemplation, engrossed in deep thought and reading, indifferent to appearance. Rejecting Western individualism, he championed a philosophy of human life standardization. Despite early skepticism, he forged a friendship with U Thant through a mutual acquaintance U Nu, initially questioning U Thant's alignment with Western ideals.

Aung San University Life

In 1933, Aung San enrolled at Rangoon University and swiftly emerged as a prominent student leader. His peers elected him to the executive committee of the Rangoon University Students' Union (RUSU), where he assumed the role of editor for the union's magazine, Oway (Peacock's Call). Known for his charisma and profound interest in politics, Aung San quickly garnered attention.

However, his path took a turn in February 1936 when he, along with U Nu, faced expulsion from the university. They refused to disclose the author of an article titled "Hell Hound at Large," which criticized a senior university official. The ensuing Second University Students' Strike lasted three months and ultimately led to their reinstatement.

The events of 1936 catapulted Aung San into the national spotlight. Previously unknown beyond Rangoon University, he emerged as a revered nationalist revolutionary and student leader. His name and image proliferated in newspapers nationwide. Aung San assumed pivotal roles, serving as the secretary of the student boycott council and the student representative for the government's University Act Amendment Committee.

In 1936, he ascended to the vice presidency of the Rangoon University Student Union. Despite his growing political commitments, Aung San pursued his academic endeavors, aiming for a law degree to pursue a career in the Indian Civil Service and politics. He co-founded the All Burma Student Union in 1937, assuming the role of general secretary. By 1938, he held presidencies in both the All Burma Student Union and the Rangoon University Student Union. However, his extensive engagements left little time for studies, leading to his failure in the 1938 examination. Afterward, Aung San relinquished the pursuit of a conventional career, dedicating himself wholly to revolutionary politics.

Revolutionary Movement

In October 1938, Aung San shifted his focus from law studies to national politics, driven by fervent anti-British and anti-imperialist beliefs. He adopted the title of Thakin, symbolizing Burmese sovereignty, upon joining the Dobama Asiayone, where he served as general secretary until August 1940. During his tenure, he spearheaded nationwide strikes known as the ME 1300 Revolution, spanning from August 1938 to July 1939 in the Burmese calendar.

The Dobama Asiayone's declaration of intent to use force against the government prompted a swift response, resulting in Aung San's temporary arrest on conspiracy charges, which were later dropped. Upon his release, he advocated for a multifaceted approach to advancing Burmese independence, including countrywide strikes, anti-tax movements, and guerrilla tactics.

Assuming the role of the first Secretary General of the Communist Party of Burma (CPB) in August 1939, Aung San navigated internal tensions within the party. Subsequently, he established a parallel organization, known interchangeably as the "People's Revolutionary Party" or "Burma Revolutionary Party," championing Marxist principles in the fight against British colonial rule. Following World War II, this organization evolved into the Burma Socialist Party. Despite enduring financial hardships and residing in poverty, Aung San's unwavering dedication and organizational prowess earned him respect.

Early Part of World War II

Following the onset of World War II in September 1939, Aung San played a pivotal role in establishing the Freedom Bloc, a nationalist coalition formed by uniting the Dobama, the All Burma Students Union, politically active monks, and Ba Maw's political party. Under Ba Maw's leadership, Aung San assumed the position of general secretary. The primary objective of the Bloc was to exploit the wartime circumstances to achieve Burmese independence. Drawing inspiration from the Indian revolutionary group led by Subhas Chandra Bose, the organization's structure, objectives, and strategies mirrored those of its Indian counterpart, with Ba Maw maintaining regular communication with Bose.

In 1939, Aung San faced a brief arrest on charges of conspiring to overthrow the government by force but was released after seventeen days. Upon his release, he proposed a multifaceted approach to attaining Burmese independence, including countrywide strikes, anti-tax campaigns, and guerrilla warfare.

In March 1940, Aung San attended the Indian National Congress Assembly in Ramgarh, India, alongside fellow Thakins such as Than Tun and Ba Hein. During this gathering, he interacted with prominent leaders of the Indian independence movement, including Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahatma Gandhi, and Subhas Chandra Bose. Upon returning to Burma, Aung San discovered warrants issued for his arrest and that of other Thakins and Freedom Bloc leaders due to their revolutionary activities against British rule.

Thirty Comrades

In May 1940, Japanese intelligence operatives, led by Suzuki Keiji, infiltrated Yangon under the guise of journalists, establishing a base at 40 Judah Ezekiel Street. Their objective was to gather intelligence and secure cooperation from local factions for the impending Japanese invasion of Burma. Among their contacts were the Thakins, a prominent political group in which Aung San held a leading role. The close ties between Japanese intelligence and key figures in Burma ensured awareness of Aung San's activities upon his arrival in Japanese-occupied China.

During the remainder of 1940, Aung San resided in Tokyo, immersing himself in the Japanese language and ideology. Expressing opposition to Western individualism, he articulated his vision of an authoritarian state modeled after Japan, characterized by unified governance under one party and leader. Adopting Japanese attire and assuming the alias "Omoda Monji," he contributed to drafting the blueprint for a Free Burma, although its authorship remains disputed.

In February 1941, collaborating with Japanese intelligence, Aung San departed from Bangkok, leaving behind Hla Myaing. He clandestinely re-entered Burma, covertly arriving through the port of Bassein, assuming a false identity and boarding a train to Rangoon. Within weeks, he recruited thirty former associates, known as the "Thirty Comrades," smuggling them out of Burma through Japanese channels to the occupied island of Hainan for further training.

Aged twenty-five, Aung San and his compatriots underwent specialized instruction under Suzuki Keiji and other Japanese officers for six months. Notably, Aung San, Ne Win and Setkya received distinct training, as the Japanese intended to position them in senior roles within the Burmese government post-conquest. During this period, Aung San adopted the pseudonym "Bo Teza" ("Teza" meaning "fire"), emblematic of his newfound militant persona.

Japanese Invasion of Burma

Between November and December 1941, Aung San and his comrades recruited approximately 3,500 Burmese volunteers from the Siam-Burma border. On December 28, 1941, they formally established the Burma Independence Army (BIA) in Bangkok, marked by the traditional thwe thauk ("blood-drinking") ritual symbolizing eternal comradeship. Three days later, the BIA entered Burma alongside the Japanese Fifteenth Army.

During the Burma Campaign, the BIA primarily deferred to the Japanese Army in combat but assumed control of areas post-British retreat, inciting communal violence, especially targeting Karen people and perceived British collaborators. Japanese intervention was necessary to quell unrest.

In March 1942, Rangoon fell to the Japanese, and the BIA established a parallel administration under Thakin Tun Oke, operating until dissolution. In July, it re-emerged as the Burma Defense Army (BDA), with Aung San as colonel and commander. He was later honored by Emperor Hirohito.

On 1 August 1943, a Japanese-led ceremony granted Burma nominal independence, with Aung San initially poised to lead but overshadowed by Dr. Ba Maw. Concerned with Japan's waning prospects, Aung San clandestinely organized the "Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League" in August 1944, leading to the BNA's defection from the Japanese in March 1945, heralding Resistance Day on 27 March.

The Burmese army became the "Patriotic Burmese Forces," with Aung San commanding the first region. Allied recognition followed on March 30, formalized by Louis Montbatten. Engaging in hostilities against the Japanese, the Burmese National Army contributed to Rangoon's liberation in May 1945.

Aung San's pivotal role was underscored in a meeting with General Bill Slim in May 1945. Despite appearing in a Japanese uniform, he pledged allegiance to the British cause until Japan's expulsion from Burma. Slim recognized the potential for collaboration between Burmese forces and the Allies.

Burma After World War II

Following the conclusion of World War II on 12 September 1945, the Burma National Army was renamed the Patriotic Burmese Forces (PBF) and gradually disarmed by the British as the Japanese retreated from various regions of the country.

Under the Kandy conference agreement with Lord Louis Mountbatten in Ceylon that September, leaders of the Patriotic Burmese Forces were offered positions in the Burma Army under British command. However, Aung San was excluded from negotiations as British Governor General Sir Reginald Dorman-Smith deliberated whether to try him for the public execution of a Muslim headman in Thaton during the war. Although no trial ensued, the controversy remained unresolved.

The conference delegates resolved to incorporate 5,000 of Aung San's Japanese-trained Bamar soldiers and 5,000 British-trained soldiers, mainly Chin, Kachin, or Karen, into the new Burmese army. Despite voicing support for U Seinda's guerrilla fight against the British, Aung San opted for cooperation for tactical reasons.

In response to the Kandy Conference outcomes, Aung San reorganized his disbanded soldiers into the People's Volunteer Organization (PVO), a paramilitary group loyal to him rather than the government, boasting over 100,000 members by 1947.

In January 1946, a victory festival held in Myitkyina excluded Aung San and his party due to their association with the Burma Independence Army. In a bold move, Aung San surrendered for the village headman's execution, potentially sparking a nationwide armed rebellion by the PVO. This prompted Dorman-Smith's replacement by Sir Hubert Rance, who recognized and negotiated directly with Aung San.

Rance appointed Aung San as counselor for defense on the Executive Council and, on 28 September 1946, elevated him to deputy chairman, effectively making him the 5th Prime Minister of the British-Burma Crown Colony. Despite initially collaborating with the Communist Party of Burma, Aung San later distanced himself from them, banning all communists from his Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League on 3 November 1946.

Panglong Conference

Aung San functioned as the de facto Prime Minister, although his authority was still subject to British approval. British Prime Minister Clement Attlee invited Aung San to London in 1947 to discuss the terms of Burmese independence. During a press conference in Delhi en route to London, Aung San asserted Burma's demand for complete independence rather than dominion status and expressed readiness for any means, including violence, to achieve it.

Arriving in Britain with his deputy Tin Tut in January 1947, Aung San and Attlee reached an agreement on Burma's independence terms. After the 1947 Burmese election, Burma would enter the British Commonwealth, with the option to withdraw later. The Burmese government would control the army once Allied forces withdrew, and a constitutional assembly would draft a constitution, subject to British parliamentary approval. Britain would also sponsor Burma's entry into the United Nations.

Despite the agreement, dissent persisted. U Saw and Thakin Ba Sein refused to sign it, and Aung San faced opposition from critics like Than Tun and Thakin Soe in Burma. Ethnic minority representatives were absent from the negotiations, with Karen and Shan leaders warning that the agreement lacked legal validity for their communities. Two weeks later, Aung San convened the second Panglong Conference, where leaders representing Shan, Kachin, and Chin peoples agreed to join an independent Burma with full autonomy and the right to secede in 1958. The Karen, aspiring for a separate Karen State within the British Empire, were not consulted. The Panglong Agreement signing date became celebrated as "Union Day" in Burma.

The April 1947 general election, marred by boycotts from Karen, Mon, and Aung San's political opponents, resulted in a landslide victory for Aung San's AFPFL, winning 176 out of 210 seats. Aung San then began forming his cabinet, including ethnic Burmese figures like Tin Tut and Mahn Ba Khaing, Shan leader Sao Hsam Htun, and Bamar leader U Razak. Notably, no Communists were invited to participate.

Aung San's Assassination

Tragically, Aung San's journey was cut short when he was assassinated on July 19, 1947, along with six members of his cabinet. The assassination was carried out by a group of armed men, allegedly on the orders of political rivals. The loss of Aung San was a devastating blow to Burma, as he was seen as the beacon of hope and the driving force behind the country's independence. His death left a void in the political landscape, but his legacy continued to inspire the Burmese people to strive for democracy and freedom.

The news of Aung San's assassination spread like wildfire across the nation, plunging the entire country into a state of shock and mourning. People from all walks of life, regardless of their political affiliations, came together to mourn the loss of their beloved leader. The streets of Rangoon, the capital city, were filled with grieving citizens, their faces etched with sorrow and disbelief.

As the news of the assassination reached the rural areas of Burma, the impact was equally profound. Villages and towns were engulfed in an atmosphere of grief, with people gathering in community centers and temples to pay their respects to Aung San and his fallen comrades. The sense of unity and solidarity that emerged during this dark time was a testament to the deep admiration and respect the Burmese people had for Aung San and his vision of a free and independent Burma.

Amidst the mourning, questions arose about the motives behind the assassination. While it was widely believed that political rivals were responsible, speculation and conspiracy theories began to circulate. Some believed that foreign powers had a hand in Aung San's death, seeking to destabilize Burma's path towards independence. Others suspected internal divisions within Aung San's political party, with some members allegedly resenting his growing influence and popularity.

The investigation into Aung San's assassination was met with numerous challenges and obstacles. Witnesses were afraid to come forward, fearing reprisals from those responsible for the murder. The political climate was tense, with rival factions vying for power and influence in the aftermath of Aung San's death. The truth behind the assassination remained elusive, shrouded in a cloud of uncertainty and speculation.

Despite the tragedy of Aung San's untimely death, his legacy continued to inspire a new generation of leaders and activists. His vision of a united and democratic Burma lived on in the hearts and minds of those who had witnessed his unwavering commitment to the cause of independence. The Burmese people, fueled by their grief and determination, carried the torch of Aung San's ideals, vowing to continue the fight for freedom and democracy.

Different Names of Aung San

As mentioned above, Aung San was born as Htein Lin. His brother Aung Than christened him Aung San. Today, he is commonly referred to as Bogyoke Aung San, which translates to "General Aung San" in English. This title was bestowed upon him in recognition of his role as the commander of the Burma Independence Army during World War II.

During various stages of Aung San's life, he also used various names. Some of the recognized names are:
Contact code name with New Win: Ko Set Po
Japanese name: Omada Monji
Nom de guerre: Bo Teza
Resistance period code names: Myo Aung, U Naung Cho

In addition to the above, throughout his life and even after his death, Aung San has been honored and remembered by the Burmese people through various names and titles that reflect his status as a national hero and a symbol of hope.

One of the names that Aung San is known by is "Maha Bandoola," which means "Great General." This name highlights his military prowess and leadership during the struggle for independence. Another name that is often associated with Aung San is "Thakhin," which translates to "Master" or "Teacher." This name signifies Aung San's role as a mentor and guide to the Burmese people, inspiring them to fight for their rights and freedom. Furthermore, Aung San is sometimes referred to as "Pyidaungsu," which means "Union." This name reflects his vision of a united and inclusive Burma, where all ethnic groups and communities can coexist harmoniously. Lastly, Aung San is often called "Min Ko Naing," which translates to "Conqueror of Kings." This name symbolizes Aung San's ability to overcome obstacles and challenge the oppressive rule of the British colonialists.

These various names and titles attributed to Aung San reflect the deep reverence and admiration that the Burmese people have for him. He is remembered not only as a military leader and politician but also as a visionary who fought for justice, equality, and the well-being of his fellow citizens. Aung San's legacy continues to inspire generations, and his name will forever be synonymous with the struggle for independence and the pursuit of a better future for Burma.

Conclusion

As we conclude our detailed look at the life and enduring legacy of General Aung San, we now transition to how his profound impact is immortalized on Burma's currency. His image on banknotes serves as a poignant reminder of the nation's struggle for freedom and identity. In upcoming articles, we will embark on an in-depth exploration of the various significant issues that prominently feature General Aung San's portrait, starting with the iconic Union Bank of Burma: 1958 Aung San Kyat Banknotes. We'll then delve into the People's Bank of Burma Banknotes: 1965 Aung San Kyat, followed by the two distinct series from the Union of Burma Bank: Aung San Kyat Banknotes (1972-1979) and Union of Burma Bank: Aung San Kyat Banknotes (1985-1987), continuing our comprehensive journey through Burmese numismatic history.

Frequently Asked Questions

Q: Who was General Aung San and why is he significant to Burma's history?

A: General Aung San, born Htein Lin, was a pivotal Burmese nationalist leader and national hero. He is significant for his immeasurable contributions to Burma's independence movement, leading both revolutionary and political efforts that ultimately secured the nation's freedom from British colonial rule.

Q: What was Aung San's role during his university years?

A: Aung San was a prominent student leader at Rangoon University, serving as editor for the RUSU magazine "Oway" and later as vice president of the Rangoon University Student Union. He gained national recognition after his expulsion (alongside U Nu) led to the Second University Students' Strike, solidifying his status as a nationalist revolutionary.

Q: What was the "Thirty Comrades" and Aung San's connection to them?

A: The "Thirty Comrades" were a group of Burmese nationalists, recruited by Aung San in 1941, who secretly went to Japanese-occupied Hainan Island for military training under Japanese intelligence. Aung San himself, adopting the pseudonym "Bo Teza," was part of this group, which formed the nucleus of the Burma Independence Army (BIA).

Q: What was the significance of the Panglong Conference in Aung San's journey to independence?

A: The second Panglong Conference, convened by Aung San in 1947, was crucial for uniting Burma's diverse ethnic groups. Leaders representing the Shan, Kachin, and Chin peoples agreed to join an independent Burma with full autonomy, and the right to secede in 1958, laying a foundational agreement for the Union of Burma.

Q: How did Aung San die, and what was the impact of his assassination?

A: Aung San was tragically assassinated on 19 July 1947, along with six members of his cabinet, allegedly by political rivals. His untimely death was a devastating blow to Burma, leaving a significant void in the political landscape but also solidifying his legacy as a martyr for independence and a symbol of unity and democracy.